HISTORY OF DIGITAL DIVIDE
In the late 1970s and through all of the 1980s,
unequal access to computers, the internet, and other forms of
communication technology were seen as distant problems of a space-aged
21st century, if they were even thought of at all. In the 1980s and
before, home computers were rare, expensive, and an esoteric pastime of
enthusiasts. The internet was merely a pay-per-email facilitation device
used by scholars and top government officials, and cordless phones were
all the rage. The World Wide Web (WWW), multimedia computers, and fiber
optic networks were all still under construction by computer
technicians, engineers, and Al Gore.It was not until the High Performance Computing Act
passed on December 9, 1991 that mass internet access in the United
States became a possibility. Aimed at bolstering the economy of the
coming millennia, this bill proposed the creation of a high speed fiber
optic network or what was called the National Information Infrastructure
(NII). The bill’s effect on internet access was enormous. In the Fall
of 1990 there were approximately 313,000 computers online throughout the
United States, and by 1996 that number exploded to 10 million (Campbell-Kelly and Aspray 1996).
Coupled with the introduction of the Mosaic web browser and the
user-friendly Windows Operating System, fascination and wonder in the
internet began to take off in American culture.In the latter half of the 1990s the internet
phenomena captured the imagination of many. The internet was what the
railroad, the automobile, and the telephone were in their respective
eras. The internet was a revolution, and it was going to change the
economy, communication, society, and create an ever-shrinking planet.
The internet was thought to be so full of possibilities that anyone who
was left out of the revolution was doomed to a life of unconnected
alienation, missed opportunity, and information poverty, while those
basking in the glow of a Yahoo! flashing computer screen were thought to
be sophisticated, chic, and informed individuals making a prudent
choice by getting connected. Nobody, it was thought, should be deprived
of the internet, its alternative plane of existence (cyberspace), and
the endless possibilities of its infinite human network.
As the internet’s mystique grew, the National Telecommunications and
Information Administration (NTIA) disseminated a report in July 1995
called Falling Through the Net: a Survey of the “Have Nots” in Rural and Urban America.
Although not mentioning the exact phrase “digital divide”, this report
found that poor people in general have the lowest penetration rates of
NII, while those who were poor and actually had access to the internet
in their homes were more likely to engage in “on-line services that
facilitate economic uplift and empowerment” (http://www.ntia.doc.gov/
ntiahome/fallingthru.html). Assumed in the report was that the internet
was a driver of empowerment and marker of equity. The hype behind the
usefulness of internet was picking up steam.
Months after the NTIA’s initial report, the
exact phrase “digital divide” began to surface along the American
Psyche. According to chat room legend, Amy Harmon, a journalist at the
Los Angeles Times, wrote a story in 1996 about a split between a husband
and wife regarding the husband’s preoccupation with the internet. The
wife, feeling ignored and unloved by her husband’s seemingly perpetual
computer use, was threatening to leave him if he did not comply with her
wishes. She described the rift between the husband and wife as a
“digital divide”. Hence, the digital divide phrase became coined.
A short time later, Allen Hammond, a law professor
at New York Law School, and Larry Irving, a political appointee at the
Department of Commerce, began using the phrase “digital divide” much
differently. Hammond and Irving used the phrase often in public speeches
to describe a binary divide between the computer and internet haves and
have nots. Much in the spirit of the NTIA’s initial Falling Through the Net
report, Hammond and Irving pointed out that many classes of Americans
such as women, African Americans, American Indians, low-income
Americans, and the disabled all had disproportionately low computer and
internet penetration rates compared to those who had computers and
internet access in their homes. This marked the beginning of the current
meaning of the phrase today.By 1999 the phrase “digital divide” became a common
slogan for policy makers, non-profit organizations, and others involved
in the high-tech sector. Its simplistic and alliterative tone gave
decision makers something to rally behind as the public still began to
adapt to the lightning fast progress of information communication
technology (ICT). During this time, while the internet became
exceedingly ubiquitous and prevalent within American society, households
with internet access were becoming the norm. Gaps in access to the
internet remained along racial, income, and geographic lines; however
the NTIA and others suffered from a serious lack of data and
inadequately demonstrated their argument.The NTIA’s first three Falling Through the Net reports of
the 1990s really represented the government’s awakening to the ICT gap.
Relying solely on Census data, the NTIA was only able to gather data on
computer, telephone, and modem ownership, and did not account for other
forms of internet access. Additionally, monitoring and demonstrating how
the internet was actually used by the privileged and under-privileged
was a near impossible task for the NTIA at the time. Focusing solely on
ownership of ICT and ignoring how the technology was actually used
prevented the NTIA and others from an in depth analysis of inequitable
technology access (http://www7.nationalacademies. org/cstb/wp_digitaldivide.pdf).
As more information became available, experts
began to rethink the digital divide and expand it beyond the binary
haves and have not concept. As early as 2000, right before the dot.com
bubble burst, author Steve Cisler began questioning the preciseness of
the digital divide slogan and reframed the issue of internet access. He
and others felt the term was over-simplistic, demeaning, and took “on a
very different caste in an international context where problems are so
much greater than in the United States” (Cisler 2000).
He felt that the internet connection existed on a
spectrum rather than a binary relationship. It was apparent to them that
the line of thinking: “You are online or offline; you have a computer
or you are without one; you are trained for the digital future, or you
are in dead-end low paying work” was inconsistent with reality and
condescending at the same time. He felt that people fall on a spectrum
of connectivity where some benefit from high-speed access in their
personal homes, others have slower cable-modem access, others have
access in schools, libraries, or other public places, while others still
choose not to be connected in the first place. Cisler reasoned that
many people choose to be offline for many different reasons and to
assume that someone remains offline is doomed to a life of hardship and
disgrace is arrogant and techno-centric.
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